The question whether direct democracy should be part
of a functioning democracy, in my eyes, can be easily answered with yes. To
which extend it should do so is a question much more controversial.
Even though it is essential for a democracy to give
the possibility for the people to influence the often very separated ruling politicians
through a constitutional tool such as the referendum rather than just through
demonstrations. Yet cases like the Brexit clearly show that direct influence to
the legislative process can have its severe downsides, too.
Interviews short after the referendum clearly showed that
not a small number of citizens were completely unaware of the effects of their
leave-vote and regretted it the moment they realized that people predominantly voted to leave the European Union. In other words, this
indicates that referendums are not just a chance for political participation
but also open to influences that can possibly mislead the voters’ opinion on
the subject-matter. To some degree this risk can turn out positively when it
motivates both sides to give the best arguments for or against a specific
topic. It is essential to have a well-informed electorate that does not fall for
populist positions which turn out false right after a irrevocable referendum. If,
however, like in the case of the Brexit, the stakes are too high this risk is
not worth taking.
Aaron's Edit:
Aaron's Edit:
The question whether direct democracy should be part of a functioning democracy (, in my eyes, can be easily answered) [WO - ^can, in my eyes, be easily answered)* with (yes.) [St;P - ^ "yes."] To which (extend) [WF - ^ extent] it should do so is a (question much more controversial) [WO - ^much more controversial question].
(Even though it) [Foc, M - ^It] is essential for a democracy to give (the possibility for the people to influence the often very separated ruling politicians) [E, coh; no det - ^ people the possibility to wield influence over policymakers, who are otherwise out of reach] through a constitutional tool such as the referendum rather than just through demonstrations. Yet cases like the Brexit clearly show that direct influence (to) [prep - ^ over] the legislative process can have (its) [E, foc] severe downsides, too.
Interviews (short) [foc - ^ conducted shortly] after the referendum clearly showed that not a small number of citizens were completely unaware of the effects (of their leave-vote) [E, Gr, foc, coh; P - ^their "leave vote" would have,] and regretted it the moment they realized that people predominantly voted to leave the European Union. In other words, this indicates that referendums are not just a chance for political participation [P - ^, ] but also open to influences that can possibly mislead the voters’ opinion on the (subject-matter) [SP - ^ subject matter]. To some degree [P - ^, ] this risk can turn out positively when it motivates both sides to give the best arguments for or against a specific topic. It is essential to have a well-informed electorate that does not fall for populist positions which turn out false right after (a) [WF, Gr - ^ an] irrevocable referendum. If, however, like in the case of the Brexit, the stakes are too high [P - ^, ] this risk is not worth taking.
[* Bryan Garner, in the entry "ADVERBS. A. Placement of Adverbs" in his magisterial guide Garner's Modern American Usage, contends that adverbs ought to come between the auxiliary and main verbs: "Many writers fall into awkward, unidiomatic sentences when they misguidedly avoid splitting up verb phrases. Although most authorities squarely say that the best place for the adverb is in the midst of the verb phrase, many writers nevertheless harbor a misplaced aversion, probably because they confuse a split verb phrase with the SPLIT INFINITIVE. H.W. Fowler explained long ago what writers still have problems understanding: 'When an adverb is to be used with [a compound] (insertion Garner's) verb, its normal place is between the auxiliary (or sometimes the first auxiliary if there are two or more) and the rest. Not only is there no objection to thus splitting a compound verb . . . , but any other position for the adverb requires justification'” (Garner, Bryan A. Garner's Modern American Usage. 3rd ed. Oxford UP, 2009).
Jonathan's corrected version:
[* Bryan Garner, in the entry "ADVERBS. A. Placement of Adverbs" in his magisterial guide Garner's Modern American Usage, contends that adverbs ought to come between the auxiliary and main verbs: "Many writers fall into awkward, unidiomatic sentences when they misguidedly avoid splitting up verb phrases. Although most authorities squarely say that the best place for the adverb is in the midst of the verb phrase, many writers nevertheless harbor a misplaced aversion, probably because they confuse a split verb phrase with the SPLIT INFINITIVE. H.W. Fowler explained long ago what writers still have problems understanding: 'When an adverb is to be used with [a compound] (insertion Garner's) verb, its normal place is between the auxiliary (or sometimes the first auxiliary if there are two or more) and the rest. Not only is there no objection to thus splitting a compound verb . . . , but any other position for the adverb requires justification'” (Garner, Bryan A. Garner's Modern American Usage. 3rd ed. Oxford UP, 2009).
Jonathan's corrected version:
The question whether direct
democracy should be part of a functioning democracy can, in my eyes, be easily
answered with “yes”. To which extent it should do so is a much more
controversial question.
It is essential for a democracy to
give people the possibility to wield influence over policymakers, who are
otherwise out of reach through a constitutional tool such as the referendum
rather than just through demonstrations. Yet cases like the Brexit clearly show
that direct influence over the legislative process can have severe downsides,
too.
Interviews conducted shortly after
the referendum clearly showed that not a small number of citizens were completely
unaware of the effects their “leave vote” would have and regretted it the
moment they realized that people predominantly voted to leave the European
Union. In other words, this indicates that referendums are not just a chance
for political participation, but also open to influences that can possibly
mislead the voters’ opinion on the subject matter. To some degree, this risk
can turn out positively when it motivates both sides to give the best arguments
for or against a specific topic. It is essential to have a well-informed
electorate that does not fall for populist positions which turn out false right
after an irrevocable referendum. If, however, like in the case of the Brexit,
the stakes are too high, this risk is not worth taking.